Limits of Humanitarian War
or marie antoinette does foreign policy
By streiff Posted in War — Comments (36) / Email this page » / Leave a comment »

One of the phenomenon produced by the information age has been wars conjured up by media attention. Wars in which we stand to gain nothing and loose much. While the Spanish-American War was arguably a media event, at least we had a geopolitical stake in going to war and from that war we made substantial gains in power, territory, and prestige.
We can’t say as much for Somalia. Or Bosnia. Or Kosovo. Or the pseudo-war in Haiti. Or the newest adventure being foisted off on us: Darfur.
But can we just let people starve or be slaughtered because they live in places that just don’t matter? Eric Posner seems to think the answer is “yes.” In fact, in an essay that strikes one as an example of Scowcroft-Baker “stability” fetishism run amok, he doesn’t seem much adverse to the idea of letting them die even if they are in places that really matter.
Read on.
Writing an essay entitled The Humanitarian War Myth Posner posits:
The problem with humanitarian intervention is not only that the costs are usually too high, but it turns out that the benefits usually are low. There are just too many risks and imponderables when war is used to prevent atrocities rather than to defeat an enemy. Military weapons inevitably kill civilians, and smart tyrants foil smart bombs by using their own civilians as shields. Dictators understand that a war premised on humanitarianism fails if they can make the invader kill their citizens. Removing the dictator risks civil war, which is almost always worse than the original abuses. Replacing him with another dictator only puts off the atrocities until another day. Long-term occupation breeds hostility, then insurgency and violence. In comparison with this, the original ruler might not seem so bad after all.
Two days ago I posted on the situation in Darfur dismissing a proposal by two Clintonistas for unilateral US military intervention there. While I am moved to ridicule Posner’s patently amoral proposition it deserves consideration if for no other reason than a fair reading of my essay on Darfur is that I am saying the same thing.
Two fully evaluate Posner’s argument I think we need to look at where these “humanitarian wars” occur. As I’ve done on several occasions I recommend using Thomas Barnett’s The Pentagon’s New Map methodology as a way of conceptualizing where, and why, wars are taking place.

As you can see, if Dr. Barnett is correct we have a lot of “humanitarian wars” on our horizon.
We also need to understand the logic underpinning Posner’s concern. According to the J-Curve theory of Ian Bremmer now making the rounds:
Imagine a graph that charts a country's stability on the vertical axis and its openness (both within the country and to the world) on the horizontal one. If each nation appears as a point on the graph, the resulting pattern looks very much like the letter J. Nations higher on the graph are more stable; those lower are less stable. Nations to the right of the dip in the J are more open; those to the left are less open...
Open and stable countries on the right side of the J curve have a collective interest in opening up the closed states on the left side…
In the short term, however, it can also be a tremendously destabilizing effort. For a closed stable country to become an open stable one, it must pass through the dip in the J curve -- a transition of greater openness combined with dangerous instability. Is the world ready for open national elections in Pakistan, for example? In Egypt? If fair elections took place next month in China, would the country become more stable or less so?
The dip in the J curve is a frightening place. Sectarian violence and insurgent attacks kill hundreds of Iraqis each week. In such an environment, it is natural for the public to demand a quick return to stability, even if it means sacrificing openness. (Russia, for instance, responded to the chaos of the Boris Yeltsin years by embracing Vladimir Putin -- essentially voting its way back up the left side of the J curve, toward a more stable but authoritarian state.)
Moving right along the J curve is harder; it requires plenty of time and political capital…
So the full context of Posner’s proposition is a world where globalization, and indeed Western cultural influence, is creating a steady pressure against a series of failed and failing states. Those states being located mainly on the left side of the J-Curve (North Korea, Iran, Burma, Communist China) and the “dip” in the curve (Sudan, Somalia, Iraq, Afghanistan, the Congo, etc)
Indeed, one of the consequences of the Bush Doctrine, which by the way I do believe to be the correct solution to terrorism, of democratizing repressive states is that these states must, of necessity, become very unstable for periods of time as they reach a new equilibrium.
Given the difficulty of moving out of the dip in the curve and the social dislocation as states move down the left side of the curve (or right side for that matter) towards the dip we are going to be confronted with an increasing number of Darfurs, Congos, Rwandas, Somalias, Sierra Leones, etc. and logic tells you we can’t save everyone.
So what do we do?
Posner seems to argue that we are better off leaving repressive regimes, like presumably the Khmer Rouge, to slaughter as many of their people as they would like because the conflict to liberate them and the ensuing instability could very well kill more people than the regime.
Saddam Hussein was an especially bad tyrant, and Iraqi civilian casualties attributable to the U.S. intervention do not yet equal what he was able to accomplish, albeit over a longer period. The Kurds and many Shiites are better off. And many Iraqis continue to think that the war was worth it, according to polls.
But polls do not reveal the opinions of dead Iraqis. The humanitarian effect of the war has been at best ambiguous against the baseline of the containment period that preceded it, and if current trends continue, the overall effect will be that of a humanitarian disaster.
Many people blame the humanitarian costs of the war in Iraq on the Bush administration's execution of it... But complaints about this war are not noticeably different from complaints about earlier wars, where small mistakes (identifiable as such with the benefit of hindsight) resulted in enormous harm.
If this is the case, then Posner concludes:
The Iraq war, consistent with experience, suggests that humanitarian wars will rarely yield humanitarian results. Why, then, is there a so-called "responsibility to protect" movement to make humanitarian intervention obligatory as a matter of international law? And why was this idea endorsed by the United Nations during its millennium summit?
The best humanitarians of our day recognize that we face a painful dilemma: to tolerate atrocities in foreign states or to risk committing worse atrocities in the course of ending them. From Rwanda, many people drew the lesson that failure to intervene is the worse option. The Iraq war may be the first step in unlearning this lesson. If not, an intervention in Darfur surely will be.
Barnett disagrees in his blog.
A gloriously one-sided analysis that says in effect, "the only killing that matters is that which occurs after we intervene."
…
But none of those deaths matter, because they do not occur on our watch--so to speak.
…
But yes, better we "do no harm" and let Darfur burn, let Saddam kill, let the Gap be the Gap, etc. This is realism and the Powell Doctrine and international legal BS at its best.
I am not my brother's keeper. I just manage the cell block, letting out those I care to recognize now and then, and sending in the riot police to quell the riots when forced. Please, please, no shrink the Gap for me. They're all just dark-skinned people in a galaxy far, far away.
…
Lincoln picked Grant because he could do the awful math required. We live in a world where the equations are all reversed in terms of effort, and still we lack a decent Grant. Instead, we've enshrined our very own McClellan, whose latest hagiographic biography hits the streets today.
Limited regret, limited morals, limited courage, limited caring. We live in an era of great circumspection, where the ass-covering careerist is worshipped and men of any firm action are vilified.
I give it to Bush: he tries. You can disagree with the calls and the execution, but he tries. The Do-Nothings of our age are the foreign policy equivalents of the Know-Nothings that once plagued our political system. They always have an answer to the question, "why not do nothing?" They want from the world but they owe the world nothing. The selfishness and self-delusion know no bounds.
As much as I agree with Barnett I look across the landscape and save Britain and Australia I see no allies worth the powder it would take to blow them to Hell. I see two to three billion people living in some form of political and/or economic dystopia. And I know we have limits on what we can do.
Do we stand aside and other than spending the blood and treasure to bring along selected, strategically valuable nations into Barnett’s “functioning core” just let them die. Is that a worse course of action than what we pursued in Somalia where we went forward on a chivalric joust and left the place essentially unchanged while making ourselves vulnerable to 9/11? Or the inevitable intervention in Darfur that can accomplish nothing if we are not willing to take over long term direct administration of a significant swath of Sudan?
If the questions are unpleasant to contemplate, so to are the answers.
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Certainly is something everyone would like to solve, but in all reality, I'd say it is out of the question. Where are we going to get the troops for something like that? We're barely holding on to Iraq, a country that has roughly half as many people.
If we want to keep ourselves from going the way they do, we certainly don't want to be forking out 100B a year to multiple wars over decades. Especially when we have no reason to believe violence will end once the current evil regime(s) are destroyed.
I seem to find Posner quite compelling:
The problem with humanitarian intervention is not only that the costs are usually too high, but it turns out that the benefits usually are low. There are just too many risks and imponderables when war is used to prevent atrocities rather than to defeat an enemy. Military weapons inevitably kill civilians, and smart tyrants foil smart bombs by using their own civilians as shields. Dictators understand that a war premised on humanitarianism fails if they can make the invader kill their citizens. Removing the dictator risks civil war, which is almost always worse than the original abuses. Replacing him with another dictator only puts off the atrocities until another day. Long-term occupation breeds hostility, then insurgency and violence. In comparison with this, the original ruler might not seem so bad after all.
This has just played out too many times to ignore. I think it's right on.
But with the money you save not getting into a decades long conflict, you can provide quite a bit of humanitarian aide and strategic economic incentives to try to get the people to solve it themselves.
You do what you can realistically do. Trying to force a culture change (without breaking the collective will of the people first) is pretty much an exercise in futility. Regime change without culture change is just as useless. And the military aggression used to break down the people enough to force a culture change is simply unwarranted for someone who has never attacked us.
"The Babel fish could not have evolved by chance. It proves that you exist, and so therefore, by your own arguments, you don't. Q.E.D." - HHG2TG
your thesis is flawed.
If the J-Curve theory is correct, and I think it is persuasive on a lot of levels, then all your economic aid is going to do is push nations somewhere down the left slope and along the nadir of the curve. So really an armed intervention is no more disruptive than peaceful means, the difference being the disruption is probably dragged out over a longer period of time.
As Bremmer notes it really isn't that easy:
With such turmoil in mind, it's easy to see why the leaders of left-side states will do their best to resist any incremental opening or transition. Kim has no interest in allowing the Peace Corps to move freely around the North Korean countryside letting people know what life is like on the outside. Iran's clerics point their restive youth away from the temptations of Western culture and instead emphasize Western attempts to deny Iran its nuclear program.
Indeed, many authoritarian leaders know that if they provoke the United States, Washington will isolate their countries and thus strengthen their authority. Some of these provocations may seem a little crazy. (See Ahmadinejad on the Holocaust or Kim on, well, any number of things.) But when Venezuela's Hugo Chávez and Burma's ruling military junta warn of a U.S. invasion, they are not out of touch with reality; they're merely stealing ideas from the playbook that has helped keep Cuban President Fidel Castro in power for 47 years.
If we look at the former Soviet Union as a best case scenario, nearly twenty years after the dissolution of the USSR it is a basketcase and not getting better.
But the question remains do we allow slaughter and calculated famine on the theory that a people enslaved are better off than a people not enslaved?
Thankfully, we didn't embark upon a humanitarian (which wouldn't have been the type of war being fought anyway) war with Russia. So I don't think there's any reason to say they would have been better off if we would have. Such a war would be tremendously costly. Heck, impossible. It would have become scorched earth as quickly as it started. Not to mention the fact that we couldn't win a humanitarian war against the former Soviet Union. Too large, too cold, and we would have been fighting a vast majority of their population.
Anyway, as for the last question, I think there it's a bit loaded. Do we allow it to happen? It's rather optimistic to think that cultures engaged in a centuries old religious war would just up and change their entire perspective because we decide we don't allow it.
You are talking about forcing a change of entire cultures. Cultures far older than our own country. I have yet to see one major example in history that shows such a change can be forced from the outside without first annihilating and demoralizing the culture you wish to destroy.
It's certainly something I would consider undertaking until we see a successful Iraq. If we can't do it there, I see no reason to think we'd have any more luck elsewhere.
"The Babel fish could not have evolved by chance. It proves that you exist, and so therefore, by your own arguments, you don't. Q.E.D." - HHG2TG
Thankyou for a wonderful article, but as usual, I'll focus on concrete things.
Regarding Darfur: I've been following it for more than a year, and have come to the conclusion that the only solution is men with guns who know how to use them.
Bush has done every single thing with Darfur that the international weenies and the US Democrat party wanted him to do with Iraq -- with predictable results.
Here's the dirty secret: I'm beginning to suspect that nobody (except possibly the Darfurians) really wants to solve the situation, since it has so many benefits to so many parties:
Darfur is a fundraising asset for the African Union, a wonderful debate topic for the Arab Union, a club to bash Bush with for US liberals, and a dandy way to get Bush to agree to ICC involvement. With predictable results for the folks in Darfur, who are still being sliced and diced every day.
The Non-Aligned Nations have already come out in support of the murdering government in Sudan. In Khartoum, they already have their "Death to America" signs out, and out of work Muslims lined up for demonstrations in the unlikely event of actual intervention.
The drum beat of Blood for oil is already being started in the event of military intervention by the US, and I think that the liberal groups who are so interested in having Bush intervene will be the first to howl about how inhumane US GI's are ...
Various groups have contacted me to help with publicity for Darfur intervention. In each case, I have agreed to help, if they pledge to support any US troops that wind up there. To date, I have not heard back from any of them, except for one guy.
Could we intervene there? Probably. Should we intervene there? Only if we demand an absolute pledge from all parties involved, including US liberals, Democrats and journalists to actually support any US GI that winds up there.
I do not have a problem with humanitarian military intervention; in places like Darfur, it is the only thing that will save lives. However, I have a huge problem with setting the US up to get kicked in the teeth for doing it ...
Proud to be: politically incorrect, straight, white, pro-life Christian, and of the opinion the spotted owl tastes just like chicken.
Do we stand aside and other than spending the blood and treasure to bring along selected, strategically valuable nations into Barnett’s “functioning core” just let them die.
It makes me sick to say this, but the answer is probably yes.
We're not God. We cannot solve all the problems of the world. We cannot stop all the tragedies that happen day in day out. We cannot get rid of all the dictators and terrorists and others who commit atrocities.
We should focus on helping a limited number of nations were we believe we can make a real and lasting difference.
"The greater danger is not that our hopes are to high and we fail to reach them; it is that they are to low and we do." Michaelangelo
because the compassionate part of me says-no way to we stand by while millions of people are murdered. In hindsight the Nazis and various communist regimes don't sit on my stomach well, and essentially sitting by was our method.
But I think outside of some other legitimate interest, war to stop internal conflict may not be the best solution, and I do think the one thing Kosovo (which the media doesn't cover much, but is not anywhere near stable) and I think Iraq are teaching us, is stable governments aren't created because you had a war and deposed the bad guys. So I am not convinced war for humanitarian reasons only is the best solution to this problem.
I do think a huge part of the problem is the UN itself. The UN is essentially a good ol' boys international network, that legitimizes murderous despots and dictators, it gives them voting rights and voting power. At the very least I would like to see the UN remove any power or ability to sit on any commission/council or vote on any resolution from any country that is not openly democratic (note to UN just having an election doesn't equal openly democratic, and including it in the name of your country doesn't either) or is engaged in known genocide.
I am not convinced removing their power would make them be nice or anything, but it really sickens me that the UN gives these governments legitimacy by allowing them to participate at all, so at least it is something.
I will say at this point I don't think the US can do this, even if the desire was 100% there. If the world wants something done with Darfur, they are going to have to step up to the plate and do it.
I do think a huge part of the problem is the UN itself.
The UN is supposed to be where we go to AVOID wars in the first (expletive removed in deference to the posting guidelines) place. While Ko-Fee and the Sunshine Band have been playing with the Mullahs and the Oil Barons, they COULD have been getting these countries to play nice with eathother and their own people.
Don't get me started....
Proud to be: politically incorrect, straight, white, pro-life Christian, and of the opinion the spotted owl tastes just like chicken.
"The Road To Freedom Is Seldom Traveled By The Multitude" Madhouse Thought
The crisis in Darfur has been ably handled by that most eclectic of institutions, the United Nations.
Why, the UN has passed Resolution 1547 establishing a UN mission in Sudan; passed Resolution 1556, which demanded that the Sudanese government disarm the Janjaweed and bring to justice those leaders who had incited and carried out human rights abuses;the Security Council passed Resolution 1564. Declaring its “grave concern” that the government of Sudan had not fully met its obligations; Resolution 1574, which passed unanimously, failed to include any specific criticism of the government of Sudan for failing to meet the demands to disarm and bring to justice the Janjaweed, which were in the Resolution 1556 and 1564, and it replaced the mild threats of sanctions in those resolutions with a vague warning.
All this was done by the UN prior to 2005.
Clearly, the UN is handling the situation in the exact manner, (as you point out in your post) in which the US was supposed to handle Iraq. No doubt, the results would have been much the same.
Proud to be: politically incorrect, straight, white, pro-life Christian, and of the opinion the spotted owl tastes just like chicken.
so today I am staying home and, as you can probably tell, in a bit of a foul mood!
you are on a roll, and firing me up!
;-)
Proud to be: politically incorrect, straight, white, pro-life Christian, and of the opinion the spotted owl tastes just like chicken.
is that when they play their peacekeeper game, they don't define the "bad" guys, and they usually operate under rediculous rules of engagement.
I don't think you are doing much towards peace, if your method is to stand around with unloaded weapons, and record who is killing who and by what method.
I often think in general, if you can't define a "bad" guy, then it is civil war, and civil wars aren't something the UN can do much to prevent, they can maybe get the fighting to stop for a while, but I think with that kind of conflict, it may have to play itself out, and let the people who want one side to win, fund the guys they like.
I say we let the people who caused the instability in the first place take care of it. Whoever colonized the countries that are in such bad shape has to go in and clean things up. The US gets criticized all the time for trying to intervene internationally, but I guess people just forget the colonization that caused the problems in the first place.
~~~ www.tomutley.com
...so that they can defend themselves rather than simply await slaugther, enslavement, or starvation. Armed Eritreans outlasted Selassie's and Megnistu's regimes, armed Tutsis overthrew the Hutu genocidaires, armed (with Stingers) Afghan tribal fighters took down Soviet helicopters.
Darfuris, like the Animists and Christians in Southern Sudan before them, are doing all of the dying. Let the Janjaweed and their Sudanese enablers share the pain -- couldn't happen to nicer people.
--furious
"I find your lack of faith disturbing." -- Darth Vader
in Darfur. I agree.
I don't see how that gets us down the road to solving problems like North Korea. In some cases, like Somalia where apparently every sentient being has at least one automatic rifle, I don't see what it gets us at all.
basically if you want one side to win, help them by giving them the ability to fight for themselves. This will also help that faction own their own revolution.
Problem is the UN likes to come in and pretend like neither side is bad, and play peace keeper (which really just means targets that keep track of who is killing who while running prostitution rings and skimming money).
The UN peacekeepers have to stay! After four years of UN peacekeeping, go ahead and arm the Darfur people, and let THEM decide who to shoot at.
after they have raped more African children?
"Nothing works like freedom, Nothing succeeds like liberty"
Kyle
"Nothing works like freedom, Nothing succeeds like liberty"
Kyle
tugging at our heartstrings laying the whole problem at his feet...they show an African child as say something like; "will she have to be raped...again?"
Of course what the ad DOESN'T say is that she was raped by UN peacekeepers!
By the mid-1980s, the Afghan resistance movement, receptive to assistance from the United States, United Kingdom, China, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and others, contributed to Moscow's high military costs and strained international relations. Thus, Afghan guerillas were armed, funded, and trained mostly by the US and Pakistan. It also included contingents of so-called Afghan arabs, foreign fighters recruited from the Muslim world to wage jihad against the communists.
Of particular significance was the donation of American-made FIM-92 Stinger anti-aircraft missile systems, which increased aircraft losses of Soviet Air Force.
And this tidbit
By 1984, with Azzam, bin Laden had established an organization named Maktab al-Khadamat (MAK, Office of Order in English), which funneled money, arms and Muslim fighters from around the world into the Afghan war. Through al-Khadamat, bin Laden's inherited family fortune paid for air tickets and accommodation, dealt with paperwork with Pakistani authorities and provided other such services for the jihad fighters. In running al-Khadamat, bin Laden set up a network of couriers traveling between Afghanistan and Peshawar, which continued to remain active after 2001, according to Yusufzai.
Of course there is Fidel and Saddam. Also good examples of why you just don't go giving guerillas weapons and power. They enemy of your enemy seems to rarely be your friend. At least not for long.
"The Babel fish could not have evolved by chance. It proves that you exist, and so therefore, by your own arguments, you don't. Q.E.D." - HHG2TG
somehow worse than letting the Soviets control Afghanistan? I don't think so.
While it is true that UBL set up shop there he only did so as a last resort after being chased out of Saudi Arabia and the Sudan.
If anything, the fact that Stinger missiles haven't been used in terrorist attacks sort of shows that arming guerillas, per se, doesn't necessarily result in blowback.
But if our strategy is to be non-interference it is hard to make a case that letting helpless people be slaughtered is a better alternative than giving those people the means to self defense.
We gave Bin Laden the weapons he needed to beat the Soviets. Which made his legend and secured his rise to power. Which most certainly created quite a blowback, despite not using the stinger missles to attack us. Bin Laden, without being the savior of Afghanistan, would not have grown into what he is today. Without our help, Bin Laden does not become a regional hero, and doesn't gather a massiveand fanatical folowing, at least that's my guess.
It would just be wise not to repeat by giving weapons to any old person who wants to fight. Especially if they happen to be drug lords or other shady factions. You prop up another set of warlords, you don't change the situation, just the balance of power.
"The Babel fish could not have evolved by chance. It proves that you exist, and so therefore, by your own arguments, you don't. Q.E.D." - HHG2TG
UBL was a bit player in the war against the Soviets and as numerous books and reports have documented we did not arm the Arab fighters there, our aid was limited to the various tribal militias. Aid to the Arab contingent was provided by the Saudis.
His "rise to power" was fueled by several things, like his family connections, his ability to raise money, and his adherence to Islamic extremism that was already common in Saudi Arabia and which the government there had tried to manage during the 80s by shipping radicals off to fight the Soviets.
So, as UBL never received our help, and read the 9/11 Commission Report or Ghost Wars for more on this, the rest of your "guess" is just wrong.
UBLs influence in Afghanistan was not a function of his role in the Afghan war, again it was a confluence of his religious beliefs and cash. I'd actually challenge you to find a single example where Mullah Omar or any Taliban leader referred to UBL as a "savior" because the Pushtuns were their own savior and the presence of a handful of mad Arabs during the war did no more to aid them than did Dan Rather's expedition.
Given that UBL never sought political power in any place he sought refuge and the fact that it was neither Afghans nor veterans of the Afghan war that flew planes into the WTC I think the rest of your argument is equally ill advised.
Separate your feelings of what is right from the experience.
By that I mean that it is a MORAL imperative that we do not cause more harm than good. Even in Iraq where the evidence seemed so overwhelming that Saddam just had to go, you can now see that things are still in the balance and if we slip up we might have created a worse situation for those people.
Just because it looks good, and people are dying does not mean its always right to get involved. In fact, just the opposite. IF you look hard at the track record of Western interventions in the post colonial period, the long term effects do not look good.
I do not think there is any differences in human beings but I do think there are many important differences in human cultures. Some cultures will just have to work their way up slowly out of barbarism. While others were able to do it quickly. I don't see any short cuts that work.
So my vote at this time, and in that place (Darfur) would be to not be involved.
"Nothing works like freedom, Nothing succeeds like liberty"
Kyle
You make a good point.
I do not think there is any differences in human beings but I do think there are many important differences in human cultures.
Although Kirk could never seem to keep his pants on...etc. the premise behind the Prime Directive was sound...don't mess things up out of liberal do-gooder-ness!
I really wish I had not read this fantastic piece the evening before launching for 8-days of vacation, but now that I have I've been compelled to contemplate the awful problems posed and cannot get past the feeling that the least awful solution is:
Let them die.
It destroys me on more levels than I can contemplate to say that. If offends me deeply as a Catholic, as a human - but I am left with the dread that comes from the knowledge that every, single solitary option other than digging a moat and letting them have at each other is doomed to cataclysmic, disastrous failure.
We could, and perhaps should, arm the Darfuris (as suggested by FB up-thread). But we should not even offer so much as a technician to fix any broken equipment should the weather or mal-use cause one to be necessary.
I suppose the reason I'm forced into this horrible mindset is my fear, dread really, that these folks are simply not tired of killing each other yet. Injecting our forces into such a mess is not going to make them want to kill less. To the contrary - it will give them a bigger challenge and, let's be honest, an easy target to hate. No, far from tiring their souls of the desire for further bloodshed, our presence will stock their baser instincts anew. But it will do even more than that - it will provide them with a fresh crop of foreigners upon which they can exercise their trade.
It will be, in a word, apocalyptic.
Let the leftists with their "Impeach Bush" bumper stickers and their "Save Darfur!" lawn-sign littered yet otherwise perfectly manicured lawns work out the contradictions in their own twisted minds. Ours is the burden to see the world, glorious and debased, as it is.
Involvement in Sudan would be folly of the first degree. And so we must watch as they slaughter each other.
At least until such time as they tire of burying their children.
And for what it's worth, you could extrapolate this thesis to about 80% of the globe. Why?
As much as I agree with Barnett I look across the landscape and save Britain and Australia I see no allies worth the powder it would take to blow them to Hell.
Couldn't have said it better.
-------------
"I don't know." -- Helen Thomas, when asked by White House spokesman Scott McClellan, "Are we at war, Helen?"
...But one thing I want to hear from anyone who is advocating intervention in Darfur (particularly from American liberals) is a public statement of how many Americans they are willing to see killed and wounded and how many Sudanese they are willing to see us kill.
I happen to think one of the great philosophical questions is contained in a memorable scene in the movie "The Untouchables":
<>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Malone: You said you wanted to get Capone. Do you really wanna get him? You see what I'm saying is, what are you prepared to do?
Ness: Anything and everything in my power.
Malone: And *then* what are you prepared to do? If you open the can on these worms you must be prepared to go all the way because they're not gonna give up the fight until one of you is dead.
Ness: How do you do it then?
Malone: You wanna know how you do it? Here's how, they pull a knife, you pull a gun. He sends one of yours to the hospital, you send one of his to the morgue. That's the Chicago way, and that's how you get Capone! Now do you want to do that? Are you ready to do that?
Ness: I have sworn to capture this man with all legal powers at my disposal and I will do so.
Malone: Well, the Lord hates a coward. Do you know what a blood oath is, Mr. Ness?
Ness: Yes.
Malone: Good, 'cause you just took one.
>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
It would be very easy for us to lose 300+ troops in a single charter airline crash. If we have people there for any period of time we will lose some folks just to accidents and disease.
We certainly will have to kill some bad guys. Lets just assume they are same version of nutcases as the Somalian militia who, at least while the drugs last, are willing to engage in the suicidal swarm tactics we saw in Mogadishu and from the Fedyaeen Saddam in Iraq and thereafter to try to put some guerrila campaign together. So when when we cut a swath through a horde of people with an A-10 or with attack helicopters and we start getting video's back here of a couple hundred dead folks (including woman and children who were coerced into walking along with the bad guys) laying on the ground after a single nights engagement, are we up for that?
I know Streif makes his comments with full knowledge of the potential cost. Probably most of the folks in this thread also know this. That is why some people here oppose intervention. But I want to hear the Clinton's and the Dems's who advocating intervention say it out loud.
As for me. I think killing 20k or so Janjuweed and/or assorted international jihadi's is good gene pool maintenance practice. If we can depose a radical Islamic government in the process so much the better. If we get to save a 100k lives in the process that is a bonus in my mind. If that upsets other Islamic regimes, I think that is a teaching moment.
As to the cost? I don't have a clue as to what the actual cost will be to us or how many forces we will have to commit and what the impact would be on our other commitments. But I do know that if you are not willing to lose at least 2,000 American servicemen, don't go. I don't think it will cost that much (after all, Iraq has "only" cost approximately 3,000 dead so far) but a couple bad accidents (airplane crashes or big fires or explosions in barracks) and a couple lucky mortar rounds (lighting up a fuel depot say) and some over achieving snipers and IED planters and you are in the neighborhood.
Weighing costs and benefits, I would be perfectly willing to stay home and send sympathy cards and sagely recite John Adam's pronouncement about not going abroad to slay dragons etc. if that is what the folks who get paid to make these decisions decide.
What I am not willing to do is put a bunch of folks over there and have one or more bad things happen and listen to a bunch of whining about it, crying about how we should pull out. So I think we need to say up front: "What are you prepared to do?"
As long as G.W. Bush is president, the number the Left will tolerate is zero. He simply could not commit troops and expect any support from the Democrats. As in none.
With Streiff are well-known to him; indeed, I've been known to be downright diagreeable. But, if you'll accept a compliment, this is an excellent entry.
Regarding Bosnia: The intervention was not within my realist viewpoint, but I do believe that it was a success and, in retrospect, likely a positive good. The last thing we need at this moment is a radicalized Bosnia/Kosovo-Moslem population, and we likely prevented the nearby E. European countries from further destabalization. The entry points to Europe, and thus the US, are simply too easy.
The points regarding the misadventure in Somalia are well made and well taken.
For we have a peculiar power of thinking before we act, and of acting, too, whereas other men are courageous from ignorance but hesitate upon reflection.
My view on Bosnia is a bit different, as I said a couple of days ago when discussing Darfur I think a fair reading of Bosnia/Croatia indicates they basically fought themselves out. There wasn't a shot fired by the UN in defense of anyone in Bosnia.
That said it shows two things. First, it was on the edge of Barnetts "functioning core". Second, it gived added credence to the J-Curve theory.
When one looks at the resources that were, and are, being poured into Bosnia, and it with a relatively sophisticated population, easily accessible by Western Europe, and not brutalized in the way many Third World societies have been brutalized, the task before us is daunting.
Indeed, I think Bosnia clearly demonstrates a geopolitical triage that we must be prepared to carry out. While Bosnia and Kosovo are strategic nullities to us, they are important to Europe. (Which is why I still don't really understand why a single American version of a "Pomeranian grenadier" was ever put at risk there).
I think Iraq, and if it goes belly up Iran, are of immense strategic importance to us and to our allies. They are worth whatever it takes to move them into the win column. Darfur, the Congo, Somalia? Not so much.
... A single thing in your reply, Strief. Iraq has got to be the focus and, although I've lost confidence in Rumsfeld, I'd rather have a half-way try than a pullout. Somalia was a misadventure; Darfur is more worthy than Kosovo or Bosnia, but moral worth is not the measure: The measure must be national interest. Unless Darfur can be shown to be in the US's long-term interest -- and I'll grant the jury is out on that -- I don't believe our resources are best spent there. An intervention is more likely to result in further destabilization and death than salvation.
Incidentally, I'm personally committing no money to this election cycle -- save, perhaps, a symbolic contribution to Lugar (who is not in need, but has been in the right). But I will take no pleasure in November should the Democrats take the House and/or Senate. In my view, we have arrived at the worst of all worlds -- at least with regard to the election and its effect on foreign policy
For we have a peculiar power of thinking before we act, and of acting, too, whereas other men are courageous from ignorance but hesitate upon reflection.
Strieff. I am in general agreement with your thesis. As a practical matter, we do not have the capability to effectively intervene in swuch areas as Dafur. We may develope such a capability as a result of our ongoing military development in aysmetrical warfare but such capability is still many years away. As an aside, Woodward's book has caused me to revise my oppinion of Rumsfelt as being more of Bush's Grant. Whatever he is drinking, Bush should give to the rest of his administration. Rumsfeld seems to have the best understanding of asymetrical warfare of anyone I know.
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I am not fully on board with your position here, but I am squarely alongside you as far as why you believe as you do. We can't just saunter into a country where we are feared as evil by those whom we would liberate, and expect them to embrace the vacuum we would create in toppling all that they have ever known from the control over their lives.
I just can't squat down and nod that them killing eachother is going to produce a lower fatality rate than if we change the way they govern and are governed.
Sigh, in the end, all I got is a despondent nod over your last sentence...the questions are no more palatable than the answers.
Proud to be: politically incorrect, straight, white, pro-life Christian, and of the opinion the spotted owl tastes just like chicken.