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Supreme Court Decision in Hertz Case a Small Victory For Federalism

California Is Only One State

A unanimous Supreme Court this morning, in Hertz Corp. v. Friend, No. 08-1107 (U.S. Feb. 23, 2010), held that a corporation’s “principal place of business” under the federal diversity-jurisdiction statute and the Class Action Fairness Act (CAFA)

refers to the place where the corporation’s high level officers direct, control, and coordinate the corporation’s activities. Lower federal courts have often metaphorically called that place the corporation’s “nerve center.” … We believe that the “nerve center” will typically be found at a corporation’s headquarters.

At first blush, while Justice Breyer’s opinion is of great practical interest to commercial litigators, it would seem to be little more than a routine dispute over the construction of a federal statute governing the jurisdiction of the federal courts. But buried within is a small victory for horizontal federalism or what I have long referred to as “federalism’s edge,” i.e., protecting the balance of federalism from being upset by a single state’s efforts to assert jurisdiction over the nation as a whole. Stay with me for just a bit of background and you’ll see why.

The Hertz case reached the Supreme Court because the Ninth Circuit had refused to apply the “nerve center” test used by other federal courts. The plaintiff brought an employment class action composed of California citizens under California law in California state court. Hertz, which is headquartered in New Jersey, took advantage of a federal statute that has existed in one form or another since 1789 that permits “diversity” cases to be removed from state court to federal court. To simplify, diversity jurisdiction, which derives from the explicit language of Article III of the Constitution, gives the federal courts jurisdiction over lawsuits between citizens of one state and citizens of another state. The idea is that federal courts are a more neutral forum and less likely to be biased against out-of-staters. The statute does not, however, allow a defendant to remove a case from the courts of the state in which the defendant is a citizen, the theory being that a defendant won’t be harmed by local prejudices in its own home state.

(I’ll leave aside here the ways in which this statutory scheme was altered by the 2005 enactment of CAFA, governing nationwide class actions, as the Court’s decision didn’t turn on its jurisdictional idiosyncracies; the case also involved some procedural issues under CAFA).

A simple enough legal issue where human beings are involved, but as such things often do, the diversity rules get complicated to apply when one of the “citizens” involved is a corporation. The Constitution is silent on the issue, but Congress by statute has provided that a corporation is to be treated as a citizen of the state it’s incorporated in (often Delaware) and the state where it has its “principal place of business.”

What’s a “principal place of business”? Well, courts in New York, Chicago and elsewhere had used the “nerve center” definition defined by the respected District Judge Edward Weinfeld in the 1950s, but the Ninth Circuit instead used a different rule – they let the plaintiff treat Hertz as having its principal place of business in California because that’s where it had the most retail car rental locations and employees. You see the problem: California’s the most populous state, so almost any company with operations distributed evenly across the country could be treated as a California corporation and denied recourse to federal court, even if the company was very obviously headquartered and identified with some other state.

The Supreme Court saw it too, and didn’t buy it; the Court unanimously endorsed the “nerve center” rule, mainly because it was easier to apply in practice, but also mentioning how California’s population could skew the question.

Some knee-jerk observers of battles over federal and state court jurisdiction tend to regard anything that expands federal jurisdiction as an affront to federalism, and concededly an employment class action composed solely of California residents is in the usual case less of a threat to expansion of California law over the nation than the kinds of nationwide class actions CAFA was aimed at. But then, the Hertz rule doesn’t prevent California state law from being applied by the federal courts. What it does is simply put California back on the same footing as other states in balancing the interests of out-of-state corporations sued by its residents. That balance of power among the states in applying the law within their borders to national enterprises is, too, part of the delicate balance of federalism.

COMMENTS

  • slammer

    OK I read it and understand it but it still made me sleepy. just kidding

    • Dan McLaughlin

      Yeah, this post was a little law-nerdy.

      • larryp
      • Finrod

        Technical stuff is good to have around; I don’t see any sign that it’s going to predominate any time soon (which is the only danger, really). We could all use seeing a little bit more of the gears working behind the access panel in the legal system, especially since our counterparts on the other side are often trying to figure out how to throw a monkey wrench in there.

      • slammer

        Laww nerdy or not I appreciate the time you took to give us the article. I visit Red State several times a day and always enjoy the reading. Thanks again.

  • YankeeConservative

    With regards to …

    “Some knee-jerk observers of battles over federal and state court jurisdiction tend to regard anything that expands federal jurisdiction as an affront to federalism”

    I have always felt that its important to restrict the federal government from exceeding authority outside the boundary set by a conservative reading of the constitution. But, it is equally dangerous to allow the federal government to avoid carrying out the duties that are expressly enumerated. Exercising jurisdiction between citizens of different states is one of them, but there are many more too – national defense, interstate commerce, etc.

  • romeg

    prevents the various states from enforcing usury laws or other status that would regulate the business practices of credit card issuers, virtually all of whom are based South Dakota.

    That case (forgive me. I cannot cite the title of the case) has had the effect of making South Dakota the central governing authority for all laws governing the issuance and control of credit card accounts: essentially that tyranny by one state over the nation you reference early on in this piece.

    I would like to see some consistency in the way companies that operate across state lines are governed and behave. Any suggestion as to how to bring this about?

    • Raven

      Why, pray tell, do you think that very nearly all credit card issuers are in South Dakota?
      Might it perhaps be that they were fleeing the regulatory tyranny of Other states?

      Perhaps if Other states want some of that business, they should look at South Dakota’s “tyranny” and apply a little of it within their own borders…

  • baserunr

    stopped with “The Ninth Circuit ruled”. Right then I knew there was a significant chance that the ruling was incorrect, and would likely be overturned by the SCOTUS.

    BTW, any chance in your opinion that a Repub Congress would look to split the Ninth Circuit?

    • Dan McLaughlin

      Obama wouldn’t sign that.

      • Achance

        even when we had both bodies and the WH. Getting out of the 9th would almost be like seceding from the union for Alaska. Then if we could just set up a visa system to keep California greenies out …. Oh, the stuff of dreams.

  • JDidSaint

    Nice to see a discussion of the “Nerve Center Test” vs. “Muscle Test” in the real world. “Nerve Center Test” for the win!

    Great summary!

  • http://whereswalden.com/ Jeff Walden

    Much appreciated analysis, gives a slightly different take on thinking about it than I’d picked up elsewhere (SCOTUSblog, maybe a Volokh post or two). Please do make further posts like this when you have time. Winning the battle of ideas in the courts is important, as evidenced by success in the one branch of government that currently most adopts libertarian/conservative positions, if sometimes erratically so. (And note how much worse off we’d be if that remaining branch weren’t so — it’d be the Thirties, the FDR courts disaster, and the Switch in Time all over again, with disastrous results. For more on the subject, I recommend reading The Dirty Dozen, a 2008 book examining a dozen of the Court’s worst cases.)