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The necessity of coalition politics

Cross posted at What’s Wrong with the World

(a) The danger to a political cause when one or more of its factions begin to dogmatize to the point of excommunication is especially evident in minority status. A cause that, whatever its merits, can only gain the assent of a minority of the rulers or voters will be an increasingly failed cause to the extent that it indulges the impulse of internal purgation.

(b) Some matters are of such high moral importance that one is obliged to dogmatize, even unto the point of excommunication.

The tension between these two statements lies at the heart of one of the ancient and ineradicably problems of political society. It may said to be almost coexistensive with political society under self-governing forms. It recapitulates the problem of human freedom.

Even under tyrannically forms the problem only recedes, never vanishes. A conspiracy to overthrow a pretender or foreign oppressor must deal at once with how far to spread its appeals, lest it expose itself and be crushed. Should republican plotters, in conniving at bringing down a corrupt and lawless king, admit into their ranks the ultramonane Catholics who despise the king for ecclesiastical reasons?

Nor, indeed, does the problem vanish when the object of political combination is tyranny. Should the socialists embrace within their designs against the commercial republic the monarchists whose hatred of the republic is no less ardent than theirs, despite emanating from different sources?

In a word, it is not within the power of any art we here below possess, to escape the necessity of political coalitions. And yet, off at the end, all principled men must admit that even certain potentially successful coalitions could not win their assent, on the grounds that some faction of it is too odious.

This tension is in the world. No finesse of mind, no power of technique can remove it.

Thus it remains true to say that prudence must govern the politics of man; and that this prudence must deepen as the power of statesmanship increases.

It follows that the greatest statesman is the man of perfect prudence. But prudence alone does not a virtuous man make.

A corollary of this paradox or tension is that political weakness is often the midwife of extreme dogmatism. A man who insists on sharp and even intransigent points of principled orthodoxy, even to the ruin of political friendships, will soon find himself a man always bereft of a candidate to endorse at any level.

Speaking of candidates, invariably it is the primary season in American politics that induces great waves of arrogant and truculent dogmatism and excommunications.

But it is good to remember that in America the indispensible vehicle for true coalition politics in democracy was discovered. The sovereignty of elections over revolutions, or compromise over excommunication, was achieved first here on a continental scale.

The election of 1800 was it. The first. The political party of opposition carried an election and the holders of power, despite extreme rancor up to and including coercion by law, in the run-up to the election, peacefully relinquished their hold on the instruments of state. Jefferson’s inaugural proclaimed that “we are all republicans — we are all federalists”; and coalition politics under conditions of individual liberty were off and running. Consensus and deliberation would rule, rather than accident and fraud.

The fact that Publius in The Federalist did not quite imagine that the political party would be the institution to embody his vision of the commercial republic, does not diminish his prescience in seeing that such an institution was wanting, and that such an institution would be a huge advance in the political science of Western man.

The sovereignty of ballots over bullets, which is coexistensive with coalition republicanism, is a thing worth conserving: something not wrong but quite right with the world. Nevertheless, the prudence of American statesman, despite its extraordinary genius, remains but an approximation by sinful human hands — an approximation attempting to present a solution to the problem of human freedom.

COMMENTS

  • http://impudent.edublogs.org/ kyle8

    3) When a group A has been working and compromising with another group B for a long time and the second group B has repeatedly lied, swindled, and acted in bad faith to group A.

    That is where we are at with the Rino’s and country clubbers in the Republican party. They have acted in bad faith to conservatives, especially to fiscal conservatives, they lied repeatedly to get our votes and stabbed us in the back every chance they got.

    At this time it is impossible to trust them or work with them, we just have to defeat them.

    Compromise is fine, when the other side is willing to do some of the compromising.

    • http://www.nighttwister.com NightTwister

      Because no one can agree on the definition of a RiNO, nor can they agree if any particular politician is or is not one.

    • Paul Cella

      I haven’t attempted to lay out principles concerning when it is or is not “necessary to purge.” That must be left to prudence, by and large.

      My own view is that the instinct to purge ought to generally be resisted. Declare your principles, defend them without apology, but avoid a personality-driven estimate of the matter.

      Folks in politics have “repeatedly lied, swindled, and acted in bad faith” ever since the dawn of human action, and will again until the crack of doom. The principled man must chose according to reason, not passion.

      • http://impudent.edublogs.org/ kyle8

        I can have no interaction with someone who lied to me several times.

        Simple as that, It was not conservatives who destroyed all trust, it was the establishment types.

  • NeoKong

    A bit colonial if you don’t mind me saying.

    Do you make your own soap too ?

    • Paul Cella

      right?

      • aesthete

        but considering my own bloated and bloviating writing style, you might find my praise dismaying rather than complimentary.

        • Paul Cella

          Writing style is a interesting subject. I often find that when folks object to writing as “long-winded” or “ornate,” what they are really struggling with is in fact the concision of the writing.

          Consider someone like Lincoln. Almost no great writer of English prose packed more meaning into a sentence than Lincoln. His finest speeches are monuments to concentration of thought and argument. The Gettysburg Address stands unsurpassed in all of history for jamming such extraordinary depth and subtlety into so short an essay.

          But Lincoln can be hard to read, precisely because his sentences may require two or three readings to gain the meaning.

          Burke is another classic example. Accused of long-windedness, the man is actually an exemplar of concise English composition. The fact that complicated thoughts require careful reading should not distract us from the rhetorical achievement of such men as Burke and Lincoln, which is very far from being a bloated style.

          • aesthete

            Lincoln, Burke, and many other writers/orators accused of long-windedness were in fact masters of their respective mediums. I enjoy reading them for that reason — I just can’t say that this mastery has made its way to my pen-hand, unfortunately (though you seem to be blessed with some of the same magic as those wordsmiths). At any rate, I was raised on GA Henty, GK Chesterton, WFB, Abe Lincoln and Tolkien, so I will admit to feeling more at home when I read “ornate” works and essays as opposed to “colloquial” ones. Steinback and other “everyman” writers were an acquired taste for me.

          • CincoSolas_del_Bronx

            will be slow to understand Rembrandt, but repeated exposure can nevertheless promote familiarity and eventual appreciation–when the content is inarguably and devastatingly true.

            As yours appears to this untutored eye.

          • Paul Cella

            I state my view that the greatest master of modern English rhetoric is the Englishman G. K. Chesterton. Were I ever to reach one fourth a measure of his supreme talent I would consider myself a very fine writer indeed.

            Burke, Lincoln, Chesterton: study these men and you will learn the art of persuasion in English.

          • Thomas Crown

            Indeed, if you’ll recall correctly, the style to which you hearken back specifically eschewed concision, reveling instead in packing a thousand flowers into a tiny box, or whatever the jejune phrase was then.

            Just a thought.

      • NeoKong

        Sorry.

  • Sam Gamgee

    I missed this when you first posted it, Paul. This is one of the best posts I’ve ever read on Redstate!

    We all need to realize that we can (and should) express our views with passion, but realize that disagreements among friends doesn’t make us enemies.