In this picture taken on Tuesday, April 4, 2017, victims of the suspected chemical weapons attack lie on the ground, in Khan Sheikhoun, in the northern province of Idlib, Syria. The death toll from a suspected chemical attack on a northern Syrian town rose to 72 on Wednesday as activists and rescue workers found more terrified survivors hiding in shelters near the site of the harrowing assault, one of the deadliest in Syria’s civil war. (Alaa Alyousef via AP)

 

A few days ago, Secretary of Defense James Mattis hinted that Syria might have used more Sarin nerve agent on civilian populations and warned them of the consequences should that be proven true:

You’ve all seen how we reacted to that,” Mattis said, adding that the Syrian regime “would be ill-advised” to launch more chemical attacks, as some recent reports from inside the country suggest.

Mattis acknowledged those reports and said the Pentagon was looking for evidence to confirm them. “Groups on the ground, NGOs, fighters have said” that the regime has used sarin gas in recent attacks, he said, but “we do not have evidence.”

The regime appears to have weaponized chlorine again, Mattis said, but “we are even more concerned about the possibility of sarin use.”

Now evidence is emerging that lays responsibility for Syrian regime nerve agent attacks squarely on Barack Obama and the merry band of cretins and imbeciles that comprised our foreign policy team:

Following the attacks in East Ghouta, a suburb outside Damascus with a population of 400,000, the remains of Iranian 107-millimeter rockets with the company logo of Krempel and the product signature “Made in Germany” were found at the sites, Bild reported Monday.

The chlorine attacks, which happened January 22 and February 1 and rescue workers say were launched by Syrian President Bashar Assad’s regime, came after the German government’s Federal Office for Economic Affairs and Export Control (BAFA) green-lighted a deal for the company Krempel, located near the southern city of Stuttgart, to sell military applicable technology to two Iranian firms in Tehran, the paper reported.

The German export control agency, BAFA, has issued a convoluted denial based on the idea that the materials sold to Iran were “dual use” and not military.

Julian Röpcke, the political editor and Syria expert who authored the story for Bild, told Fox News that BAFA’s statement has “major shortcomings.”

He said, “While the statement claims that there are no indications the materials — allowed by BAFA to be exported to Iran — could be used in the construction of rockets or be further exported to be used ‘in connection with chemical weapons,’ reality on the ground proved quite the opposite.”

Röpcke added, “Instead of acknowledging that the German-built parts were used in Iranian rockets to gas children in Syria, BAFA stuck to its standard manual, alleging that the exported product was ‘neither in military good nor a dual-use good’ — just as if there were no new developments which entirely contradict that claim.”

How does this connect to the Obama regime?

The Syrian regime is an Iranian client state. Indeed, Iran’s involvement in Syria is singularly focused on preserving the Assad thugocracy.

The Iran nuclear deal, the JCPOA, removed most sanctions from Iranian businesses.

The Germans have rushed into the Iranian market like a pig to the trough. Iran has become a major market for German companies and vice versa.

In addition to removing sanctions, we also delivered to Iran an immense sum of cash. In small bills. Packed on aircraft pallets.

It is that cash and the cash made available to the Iranian government by the removal of sanctions that allowed the Iranians to purchase, and transfer to the Assad regime, rockets that were subsequently filled with chlorine gas. If proof can be found of the rumored Sarin attacks, it is a virtual certainty that German markings will be on those delivery devices also.

This is why when people say we’re becoming isolated as we withdraw from the JCPOA, I feel good. I don’t want to be associated with any agreement that considers the gassing of civilians and the sponsorship of terrorism as the cost of doing business.